Keynote speech by Stefan Weise, Juniorprofessor für Klassische Philologie / Altgriechisch, Bergische Universität Wuppertal:
Griechische Mythologie im Dienst reformatorischer Pädagogik: Zur Epensammlung Argonautica. Thebaica. Troica. Ilias parva (1588) von Lorenz Rhodoman
1588 hat der Ilfelder Schulrektor Michael Neander eine Reihe mythologischer Kurzepen seines ehemaligen Schülers Lorenz Rhodoman in Leipzig herausgegeben. Der Verfasser Rhodoman wird allerdings im Titel nicht genannt, sondern die Epen werden als Poematia Graeca auctoris anonymi präsentiert, die in einer Gelehrtenbibliothek wiederentdeckt und aus einer schlechten Handschrift übertragen worden seien. Obschon die Verfasserschaft bereits ein Jahr später in Neanders Geleitbrief zu Rhodomans Palaestine enthüllt wird, ist der Coup zum Teil aufgegangen und die Gedichte wurden tatsächlich von einigen für antik gehalten.
Im Vortrag soll anhand der Proömien zu den einzelnen Kurzepen sowie den Epilogen die Programmatik untersucht werden, unter der Rhodoman seine komprimierten Neufassungen der wichtigsten griechischen Sagenkreise präsentiert. Dabei tritt neben der Kürze vor allem der Gedanke der göttlichen Vergeltung als verbindendes Element hervor, das einen pädagogischen Anspruch erkennen lässt und darüber hinaus in deutlichem Zusammenhang mit den kommentierten Editionen von Triphiodor und Kolluthos in Neanders Opus aureum et scholasticum steht.
Die Kurzepen Rhodomans sollen insofern nach dem horazischen Nützlichkeitsparadigma nicht nur Kenntnis der griechischen Mythologie vermitteln, sondern dienen zugleich als moralische exempla und ordnen sich auf diese Weise in das für die reformatorische Pädagogik und damit auch für die altgriechische Dichtung lutherischer Humanisten zentrale Konzept der docta pietas ein.
Auf die Person des Dichters selbst wird diese Programmatik nochmals in großem Rahmen am Ende der Sammlung in dem Kurzepos Arion übertragen, das durch seinen Bezug auf das Signet des Basler Druckers Johannes Oporin schließlich noch einmal den zeitgenössischen Kontext und die Abgrenzung von antihumanistischen Strömungen deutlich macht.
Keynote speech by Stefan Rhein, Stiftung Luthergedenkstätten in Sachsen-Anhalt:
"De laudibus Graecarum litterarum" - Zur Institutionalisierung der Gräzistik in Deutschland
Vor genau 500 Jahren, am 28. August 1518, hielt Philipp Melanchthon seine berühmte Antrittsvorlesung an der Leucorea: "De corrigendis adolescentiae studiis". Dieses Datum soll Anlass sein, die Institutionalisierung der Griechischstudien in Deutschland näher zu betrachten. Die ersten Griechischprofessuren wurden in Leipzig (1515), Wittenberg (1518), Ingolstadt (1520), Erfurt (1520), Freiburg (1521) etc. eingerichtet. Häufig wurden sie von programmatischen Reden über den Nutzen des Griechischen eröffnet. In dem Vortrag sollen die Reden von Petrus Mosellanus, Philipp Melanchthon, Johannes Gussubelius Longicampianus, Konrad Heresbach u.a. und ihre Argumentationen zur wissenschaftlichen, literarischen und theologischen Bedeutung der griechischen Sprache und Literatur näher vorgestellt werden.
Thomas Gärtner, University of Köln:
Jonische Hexameter als Träger der norddeutschen Reformation
In der Folge der von Martin Luther angestoßenen norddeutschen Reformation bildete sich in der alten Ilfelder Klosterschule um Michael Neander eine neuartige Form der gräzistischen Ausbildung heraus. Aus dieser Schule ging eine Vielzahl von literarischen Persönlichkeiten hervor, die über beträchtliche Fähigkeiten in der Komposition altgriechischer Verse, insbesondere episch-jonischer Hexameter, verfügten. Am bekanntesten unter Neanders Schülern ist Lorenz Rhodoman, der neben der Vita Martin Luthers auch die Geschichte des Heiligen Landes (Palaistine, neun epische Bücher) und den luherischen Katechismus in episierenden Hexametern wiedergab.
Diese aus der Ilfelder Schule hervorgegangen Persönlichkeiten, zu denen neben Rhodoman etwa auch der Heringer Georg Koch (der u.a. das Buch Jonas in griechischen Hexametern versifizierte), der Ellricher Matthaeus Gothus (der in seiner Historia dem Leben Christi, seiner Apostel und Apostelschüler zwei epische Bücher widmete) und Heinrich Eckstorm (dessen dichterisches Hauptwerk eine Vita des Heiligen Laurentius ist) gehörten, zeichnen sich durch einen gewissen Zusammenhalt aus, der sich u.a. in gegenseitigen literarischen Referenzen sowie Widmungen an den gemeinsamen Lehrer Neander und die Ilfelder Schule bekundet.
In meinem Vortrag soll anhand signifikanter Textbeispiele gezeigt werden, daß diese Gruppe von Persönlichkeiten letztlich ein gemeinsames poetologisches Ziel verfolgt, nämlich die Beherrschung und Vermittlung einer weitgehenden aktiven griechischen Sprachkompetenz, die einen unmittelbaren (prinzipiell ohne Vermittlung durch die lateinische Sprache möglichen) Rekurs auf vorrömische Kulturgüter ermöglicht. Auf diese Weise wird der deutsche Philhellenismus gewissermaßen instrumentalisiert im Sinne des lutherischen Schrifttreueprinzips.
PD Dr. Jochen Schultheiß, Institut für Klassische Philologie II (Latinistik) der Universität Würzburg:
Die griechische Epigrammdichtung des Joachim Camerarius zwischen Philologie und literarischer Produktion
Für die Humanisten bedeutet der Rückbezug auf die Antike keine ausschließlich philologische Auseinandersetzung mit den alten Texten, vielmehr greifen sie auch den Gedanken künstlerischer imitatio auf, der sie zu eigener literarischer Produktion antreibt. Die Erneuerung und Weiterentwicklung dieser Traditionslinie beschränkt sich jedoch nicht auf die lateinische Literatur und Sprache, sondern wird auch auf das Griechische übertragen. Als einer der fruchtbarsten Autoren in diesem Bereich darf Joachim Camerarius d.Ä. (1500-1574) gelten. Unter den in seiner Wittenberger, Nürnberger und Tübinger Zeit (1523-1541) verfassten und edierten Werken ist etwa ein Drittel in griechischer Sprache geschrieben.
Camerarius trat sowohl als Herausgeber und Übersetzer überlieferter Epigramme in griechischer Sprache als auch als Verfasser eigener hervor. Somit gilt für ihn wie zuvor für Angelo Poliziano, dass die literarische Produktion aus einem philologischen Interesse hervorgeht. Es zeichnen sich vier Felder ab, auf denen sich Camerarius’ Auseinandersetzung mit dem Epigramm niederschlägt:
1.Camerarius als Verfasser von Epigrammen
2.Camerarius als Übersetzer von Epigrammen
3.Camerarius als Herausgeber überlieferter Epigramme
4.Camerarius als Herausgeber selbst verfasster und übersetzter Epigramme
Folgende Leitfragen sollen im Blickpunkt stehen:
(a) Mehrsprachigkeit: In welchem Verhältnis steht die griechische Produktion frühneuzeitlicher Autoren zu ihren Werken in anderen Sprachen, insbesondere Latein?
(b) Intertextualität: Werden durch die Wahl der griechischen Sprache bestimmte Prätexte evoziert oder Gattungstraditionen wachgerufen und somit Effekte erzielt, die eine Verwendung der lateinischen Sprache nicht leisten könnte?
(c) Adressatenbezug / Funktion: Welche Rückschlüsse können aus dem eingeschränkten Rezipientenkreis eines griechischsprachigen Werkes auf die mit einem Werk verfolgten Intentionen gezogen werden?
(d) Sozialer / geistiger Entstehungskontext: Welche Rolle spielen Netzwerke für die griechische Epigrammdichtung (z.B. Lehrer-Schüler-Beziehungen)?
(e) Literarische Technik: Welche formalen und inhaltlichen Transformationen begleiten die Heranziehung der griechischen Sprache zur Thematisierung frühneuzeitliche Belange?
(f) Das spezifisch Neuzeitliche: Was ist „unantik“ an den neualtgriechischen Epigrammen? Handelt es sich bei den Werken lediglich um „Stilübungen“, die dem Zweck einer Demonstration der eigenen Qualifikation im Griechischen dient, oder partizipieren sie an zeitgenössischen Diskursen?
Luigi-Alberto Sanchi, Directeur de recherche at at French Cnrs - Institut d'histoire du droit, IHD, UMR 7184:
Guillaume Budé’s Greek manifesto: the liminary epistles of the Commentarii linguae Graecae (1529)
A prolific and encyclopaedic humanist, Guillame Budé (Paris, France, 1468-1540), is mainly celebrated in the field of Greek scholarship for his Commentarii linguae Graecae, first published in 1529 and then in a second, posthumous edition (1548), larger and reviewed, which became the standard tool in advanced Greek studies before Henricus Stephanus’ Thesaurus in 1572. If the contents of Budé’s Commentarii are impressive, including some 20,000 Greek and Latin (10%) quotations, the volume itself is characterised by two important epistles written in Greek, the Preface to King Francis, Φραγκίσκῳ τῷ τῆς Φραγκίας βασιλεῖ, and a postface addressing « the young who are fond of Greek literature », Τῶν νεῶν τοῖς τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν λόγων ἐφιεμένοις. The paper will focus on these two long texts, the former being famous in relation with the origins of Collège de France, and also existing in a French translation (rather than the reciprocal), the latter, almost unknown and little used, representing an important message to the next generation of Hellenists, whether French or foreigners.
Martin Steinrück, University of Fribourg:
Rabelais’ Quart livre and the Greek language
The hypothesis that Greek has, beyond ornamental quotation, a specific semiotic function in Rabelais’ style, somewhat like a secret language, is not new. My aim is modest in this paper: I would like to illustrate this hypothesis by some well-known passages and some that do not, to my knowledge, have been understood by the commentators.
Elena Ermolaeva, Saint-Petersburg State University:
Three poems in ancient Greek by Vyachelsav Ivanov (1866–1949)
This talk is about ancient Greek poetry in Russia—in particular, about three ancient Greek epigrams by Vyacheslav Ivanov dedicated to Mikhail I. Rostovtzeff (1870–1952), Tadeusz F. Zieliński (1859–1944) and Grigory A. Rachinsky (1859–1939), published in his collection of poems Nezhnaja tajna [Soft secret], Humanorun studiorum cultoribus, St Petersburg 1912, 112–113.
V. Ivanov was a poet-symbolist Russian playwright, philosopher, literary critic, and translator of texts from Ancient Greek, Latin, Italian, German, French and English. He studied history and philosophy at the Moscow University, Roman law and economics at the Berlin University under Theodor Mommsen, and archaeology in Rome, where he completed his doctoral dissertation. Ivanov immigrated from the Soviet Union in 1924 to Rome, where he died in 1949. His translations of Sappho, Alcaeus, the complete tragedies of Aeschylus and Petrarch into the Russian language are still considered classics.
M. I. Rostovtzeff was an ancient historian who emigrated from Russia in 1920. His most important books include Iranians and Greeks in South Russia (1922) and The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (1926; 19574).
T. F. Zieliński was a classical philologist and professor at the St. Petersburg University (1890–1922) and at the Warsaw University (1922–1939) and has translated Sophocles, Euripides and other classical authors into Russian.
G. A. Rachinsky was a translator of Nietzsche, Goethe, Maupassant, Balzac, and others, and a prominent religious philosopher whose fate during Soviet times is unknown. Rachinsky himself is believed to have been martyred in 1939.
The author provides a commentary on the various aspects of V. Ivanov’s Greek poems.
Gosciwit Malinowski, University of Wroclaw:
Laonicus Chalcocondyles’ Histories
Laonicus Chalcocondyles (ca. 1430-ca. 1470) was born in Athens, which at the time was ruled by the Florentine Acciaioli family. At the court of Constantine Palaiologos at Mistra, he was taught by George Gemistos Plethon. Chalcocondyles was learned in Latin and Greek literature. Many times he was present at the Ottoman court and became a well-informed eye-witness of important political events in Europe and Asia. Then he wrote his „Proofs of Histories” in ten books, which were translated into Latin and French in the 16th century and into English some years ago by Anthony Kaldellis.
Sometimes Chalcocondyles is considered as one of the last Byzantine historians, together with Michael Critobulos, Ducas and George Sphrantzes, however, vocabulary, grammar, and stylistics of his work suggest that he breaks with the traditional terminology used in Byzantine historiography. Chalcocondyles attempts to describe his contemporary history in an archaizing and classicizing way. Thucydides and Herodotus are his historiographical models and there are Attic and even Ionic grammar forms and idioms in his language. Chalcocondyles uses archaizing language not only for stylistic matters but also for his personal re-evaluation of the ideological and political values of the Greek, Ottoman and Western identities.
As archaizing and classicizing author Chalcocondyles could be considered as a representative for humanistic Greek. However, his language does not aspire to purity of ancient (Attic and/or Ionian) Greek. Many Romance, Slavic, Turkic loanwords make him forerunner of the new Post-Byzantine and Neo-Hellenic identity, which began to develop under new political conditions of Tourkokratia.
In my paper I will discuss two questions: 1) how political and religious vocabulary, titles of rulers and names of states and nationalities used by Chalcocondyles deconstruct traditional Byzantine image of the world and what is the new image emerging from his work; 2) Chalcocondyles and non-Greek proper names (personal and geographical), when he decides to archaize modern names, when to translate foreign names, when and how to adapt foreign names to Greek phonetics.
Giuseppe Pascale, Dipartimento di Scienze Religiose, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore – Milano:
Greek Scholars after the Fall of Constantinople: Books, Language and Ideology
The manuscript Milan, Ambr. G 69 sup. (ca. 1450) testifies to the cultural path of John Doceian, a Greek scholar who chose, after the fall of the Byzantine Empire, an "alternative" way to that of most of the Byzantine scholars of the same period. In fact John Doceian copied this book in Mystras, where he was fellow of the Neoplatonic circle. The manuscript followed then its owner to Constantinople, where Doceian – along with a handful of other Greek scholars – preferred to continue his activities under the turkish Sultan Mohammed II, rather than accept the Union of Churches and to flee to the West, transferring the Greek legacy to Western Humanism.
Moving from this and other manuscripts copied by these “disobedient” scholars (in particular Turin, University Library, B.V. 33 and Paris. gr. 2153) , and from the texts copied in these books, this paper aims to give a sketch of this “alternative” Renaissance in order to show shortly books, texts, and Greek men who animated the new Islamic Empire, and to better understand the meaning of “Greek identity” in one of its crucial periods. Besides the paper will focus on linguistic and stylistic features which characterized literary production of this “dissident Humanism”: a brief commentary to Libanios of Marcos Eugenicos will be analyzed, a text I discovered in the Ambrosiana Library in a codex written by Dokeianos himself.
A similar outlook characterised both scholars fleeing westward and those who sought to pursuit Greek language under the Ottomans: the latter, replacing the idea of "Romanity" with that of "Byzantinity" - based on the classic culture that preserved the Greek language, but also on the Orthodox Christian religion that ensured its survival -strove to become a pillar of the Greek civilisation, as opposed to the West.
Angelo de Patto, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore – Milano:
The epitaph in Latin and humanistic Greek of Uberto Decembrio
On the wall of the external façade of Saint Ambrose, Milan, next to the beautiful sculpted sepulcher of the fifteenth-century humanist Pier Candido Decembrio, lies the epigraphic epitaph for Pier Candido's father, Uberto Decembrio (1350-1427). This epitaph - in Latin and Greek hexameters - is composed by Uberto Decembrio himself, who is known for his and Manuele Crisolora's Latin translation of Plato’s Republic.
The aim of this paper is twofold: first, to emphasize the originality of an epigraph written in Greek in the early years of the XV century by a modest beginner in the Greek language such as Decembrio; second, to evaluate its orthography and syntax.
Brevity and stylistic limitations notwithstanding, the importance of this document must not be dismissed. It is in fact a remarkable testimony of the proto-quattrocentean attitude towards the Greek language and poetry, which had only recently reappeared on the West's cultural horizon.
Grigory Vorobyev, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute Neo-Latin Studies (Saint Petersburg / Innsbruck):
Translation between diplomacy and humanism: a Greek version of Nicholas V’s letter to Constantine XI Palaiologos
The Greek translations from Latin made by the Byzantine scholar Theodore Gaza around the middle of the 15th century include, apart from some dubious titles, Cicero’s “De senectute”, two scientific treatises by Michael Savonarola and a letter pope Nicholas V sent to the last Byzantine Emperor Constantine XI Palaiologos in the end of 1451. Its main subject was the implementation of the church union. Gaza, one of the best Hellenists in Rome, was commissioned to translate it for the pontiff. The letter, preserved both in Latin and Greek, is well known as a historical source but it has never been object of enquiry in the context of Gaza’s translation activity. Nicholas’ authorship seems to be sure, but since there are no direct traces of the letter in the Vatican archives and both Latin and Greek texts are known only in later copies, an opinion exists the Latin text might be a later version of the Greek original. The present paper shows that the Greek text is indeed a translation of the known Latin one and explores Gaza’s translation method. His Greek is often far from the Latin original, apparently both because of the diplomatic nuances to be rendered properly and because of Gaza’s general propensity towards humanist non-verbatim translation, as it is demonstrated by his whole oeuvre.
Pieta van Beek, Universiteit Utrecht:
Ὀυλτραιεκτείνων, μέγα κυδος, ποτνια κουρη: praise poems and letters in Greek in honour of Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678)
The polyglot and first female university student Anna Maria van Schurman (1636) knew at least fourteen languages. One of the earliest languages she mastered after Latin, the most important language of the Res Publica Litteraria was Greek. She could speak it fluently, and wrote letters and hymns in Greek and a (now lost) commentary on the Greek New Testament (Letter to the Romans). She also made a beautiful work of art with a Greek biblical text and adorned her signature with her Greek personal motto (symbolon), my love is crucified. Her Opuscula Hebraea Graeca Latina et Gallica was a bestseller and was reprinted several times.
But she received also praise poems and letters in Greek, e.g. by the archbishop of the Greek orthodox church in Efeze (Turkey), Meletios Pantogalus. In my lecture I will focus on the eulogia written by the Utrecht professors Gisbertus Voetius and Antonius Aemilius, by the Franeker mayor and member of parliament Wilhelmus Staackmans and by the rector of the Delft Latin School, Jacobus Crucius. I will translate the texts, contextualize them and try to answer the following questions as well. Why did they use Humanist Greek in the first place? Was it showing off or did they consider Greek a holy language? Did they translate the Greek texts into Latin or a vernacular? If so, what does that say on the intended audience of the Greek texts? Were those texts ever printed, reprinted, or did they only circulate in manuscript? And last but not least, how did they describe her, the most learned woman of Europe, and often called Pallas?
Janika Päll, University of Tartu:
Graeca Esthonica et Brunopolitana: Greek poetry by Baltic Germans and Swedes in Estonia as reflecting the tendencies of German Humanist Greek. Some words about two corpora.
I'm going to give a brief overview of the corpus of Humanist Greek poetry from Germany, compiled by Karl Scheller (1773-1843), German physician and an amateur Germanist and Hellenist, which is currently preserved at HAB Wolfenbüttel and until now remained overseen by modern Hellenists. As a significant great part of Scheller's corpus is dedicated to poets from the region of Braunschweig, I'll present a small comparison between the two corpora: Estonian and Braunschweig Humanist Greek poetry, trying to point to some general features of everyday Humanist Greek in the German tradition which they reflect.
Tua Korhonen, University of Helsinki:
The Influence of Greek Poetry Production on One’s Career? Johan Paulinus from Finland, Ennobled as Count Lillienstedt
When studying in Turku and Uppsala, Johan Paulinus (1655–1732) wrote poems in Latin, Swedish, French and Greek. Due to his magnificent verse eulogy on Finland (379 lines), Magnus Principatus Finlandia (1678), he can be listed as one of the most notable Humanist Greek poets in the Great Sweden. Besides this hexameter oration delivered in Uppsala, we know three poems in Greek composed by him in Turku. Later Paulinus made an amazingly successful career (for a son of a vicar from the small parish in Mouhijärvi, Finland) as a lawyer, high official and diplomat rising to the nobility in 1690, and finally obtaining the rank of Count. In this paper, I present Paulinus as a poet and a careerist, some reasons for his exceptional skill in Greek, and finally one piece of evidence how poetry writing could be made to promote one’s career.
Johanna Akujärvi, University of Lund:
Josephus Thun – lector, pastor, donor, occasional poet
Josephus Thun (1661–1721) – lector at the Gymnasium in Strängnäs, pastor in Nyköping, an occasional poet and the first to donate a substantial collection of books to what is today the Rogge Library in Strängnäs – was admired for his occasional poems. His Greek poems in particular were rated highly. In this paper I intend to study Josephus Thun, the occasional poet, from the early collection Amores sacri (1682) to the abortive plans in his old age to have a second collection of Greek occasional poems printed. The main sources are Thun’s manuscript preserved in Linköping Diocese Library (w40), letters Thun sent when planning the edition, as well as his will, and descriptions of his production in the histories of Swedish poets writing in (Humanist) Greek by E.M. Fant (Historiola litteraturae graecae in Svecia, Uppsala 1775–1784) and M. Floderus (De poëtis in Svio-Gothia graecis, Uppsala 1785–1789).
Marcela Slavíková, Department of Comenius Studies and Early Modern Intellectual History Institute of Philosophy, Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague:
Γενεὴν Bοίημος ἐν αἴῃ: Humanist Greek Poetry in the Bohemian Lands
The purpose of the paper is to discuss the general tendencies of Humanist Greek poetry in the region of Bohemia and examine its role and position in literary production of the time. First of all, I will enquire into the origins of Humanist Greek poetry in the Bohemian lands, describe its development within the region and assess the reasons why Humanist Greek poetry suffered a rather early decline in Bohemia. Then, however, I will zero in on the period when the Greek poetic production reached its climax in the Bohemian lands and I will present the leading writers, with an emphasis on their academic background and connections. A special attention will be paid to the purposes of Humanist Greek poetry in Bohemia and its part in literary production will be specified. The most frequently used poetic genres as well as metres will be mentioned. Finally, by a thorough examination of the evidence, I will draw conclusions as to the depth of knowledge the Bohemian Humanist writers had about Greek grammar, vocabulary, and prosody.
Tommi Alho, Åbo Akademi University (talho@abo.fi), Aleksi Mäkilähde, University of Turku (ahpmak@utu.fi):
Studying Greek in a Restoration grammar school
In our paper, we discuss the study of Greek in 17th century English grammar schools as reflected in a late seventeenth-century manuscript from the King’s School, Canterbury (Lit. MS E41, Canterbury Cathedral Library). Containing plays and speeches performed and partly composed by the students of the school during the headmastership of George Lovejoy (1665-1684), the texts within the manuscript – written in English, Latin and Greek – are divided into four subgenres according to the four main annual festivities in the school year. On Oak Apple Day (May 29) the boys celebrated the birthday and restoration of King Charles II; on Guy Fawkes Day (November 5) they recounted the events of the failed Gunpowder Plot of 1605; in December they pleaded for a Christmas break; and in the week before Lent engaged in speech and riddle contests.
Even though most of the Orationes material is written in either Latin or English, short switches to Greek are common especially among the Latin speeches. Furthermore, there are eight longer (ca. 1-2 folios each) passages in Greek: six in hexameter, one in elegiac couplets, and one in prose. Our purpose is twofold: first, we analyse the particular features of the Greek of the manuscript, and second, we discuss the broader implications of these texts for understanding the role of Greek in the grammar schools.
Erkki Sironen, University of Helsinki:
Zum Wortschatz von Johannes Paulinus’ Finlandia
Mein Vortrag bespricht den nicht-homerischen Wortschatz in der laus patriae -Rede Magnus Principatus Finlandia (Upsala 1678), geschrieben vom finnischen Johannes Paulinus. Der 379 Hexameter lange Text preist Finnland, besonders das Volk mit seiner Kultur und Leistungen durch etwa 1220 verschiedene Wörter in vorwiegend homerisch-hesiodischer Sprache; rund ein Viertel des Wortschatzes kann als nicht-homerisch genannt werden (etwa dasselbe gilt für Hesiod). Weil es so scheint, dass im Texte mehrere hellenistische und kaiserzeitliche Epiker und andere Dichter nachgeahmt wurden (z. B. Kallimachos, Theokritos, Moskhos, Oppianos, Nonnos usw.) und da einige Themen der 16.—17. Jahrhundert vorkommen, mussten nachbyzantinische Wörter und (mögliche) Neubildungen zur Hilfe genommen werden.
Ich bevorzog die nicht-homerischen Wörter von Finlandia lieber mit dem — anscheinend bei humanisten-griechischen Hexameterdichtern — beliebten spätantiken Epiker Nonnos zu vergleichen als etwa die ersten Belege jedes einzelnen Wortes in der antiken griechischen Literatur heranzuziehen oder auch Paulinus’ Wortschatz mit zeitgenössischen schwedischen humanisten-griechischen Dichter zu vergleichen (das ja ohne Speziallexika mühsam sein muss). Es wäre doch interessant, den nicht-homerischen Wortschatz von Paulinus nebeneinander mit Rhodoman’s Palaestina zu erörtern, aber leider kenne ich zur Zeit keine Rhodoman/Palaestina -Lexikon.
Zuletzt sollten auch Gedanken gemacht werden, wie Finlandia aufgebaut wurde: nach einer nicht unmöglichen lateinischen Fassung eine durch zeitgenössischen Wörterbüchern weiter bearbeitete Version oder vielmehr von kleineren Stücken der Gnomologien zu einer nicht-erkennbaren Cento-artigen Neudichtung? Theoretisch genommen gäbe es auch weitere Möglichkeiten, abhängend z.B. von der Hilfe seitens der Professores poeseos/linguae Graecae entweder in Turku oder eher näher der Fertigstellung in Upsala.